Part of the roots of corruption lie in Nigeria’s militarised, centralising, unitary structure in a multi-national and multi-cultural country; this has to go and be replaced with a federal system, a federal constitution with the states, local government, cities, villages becoming the principal centres and spaces of civic and cultural lives of citizens.
Nigeria’s problem is compounded by the fact that for different reasons, Nigerians often de-link Nigeria’s present from the past. This loss of historical memory often turns Nigerians into intellectual “orphans” – as if Nigerians do not have a history we can learn from – when we search for solutions to national problems. But we are not intellectual “orphans”; we are a people with a deep and rich history.
Other countries, for example, will talk proudly about the founding mothers and fathers of their country; but playing to the gallery of the fad of “political correctness”, Nigerians consign theirs to the dustbin of history.
However, the mind boggling revelations of Dasuki-Gate and the earth shaking roles of many Nigerian elites across all the ethnic groups and religions, including apparently “highly credentialed” ministers and public officers under ex-president Jonathan, must impel us to, with complete sobriety, introspect and look into history for explanations and solutions.
That Col. Sambo Dasuki, the National Security Adviser to ex-president Jonathan, turned himself into a leaking drain pipe and distributed public money as if it was “akara”, “mọinmọin” “suya”, “fura”, puffpuff, or loaves of bread on Salah or Christmas day must make us ask serious questions about our nature as human beings. Seeing how Dasuki distributed public money under the watch of ex-president Jonathan became a country of “You don obtain your own”? (Apology to the good people of Delta State).
It is with this sense of awe, horror and soberness looking for what may exactly be our problem that made me turn to Nigerian history for explanation, lessons, practical and adaptable solutions.
I found one – a political and moral thinker who was in the mud of Nigerian politics. He is Obafemi Awolowo. He used historical and hereditary frameworks to explain corruption among African, and Nigerian elites.
For civic education, please read Obafemi Awolowo on how he would have explained Dasuki-Gate. These summaries are from two of his books, the first being, The Problems of Africa: The Need For Ideological Reappraisal (Accra, Macmillan Press, 1977, p37):
“African leaders fail to appreciate the compulsive role which heredity and environment play in a man’s unconscious motivations, tendencies and habits, be they physical or mental. So far as one can see, there is nothing in their actions to suggest that they have at any time taken the trouble to analyse and ascertain with objectivity the components of their heredity and the true nature of their environment. On the contrary, there is strong evidence that they feel ashamed of their past and are unreasonably sensitive about any reference to it. (p37-8).
“But whether we like it or not, the truth is that Africans of today are creatures of unusual heredity and environment. For, in all the wide world, no Continent, no people, have been subjected to brutalisation and dehumanisation for so long and on such a terrible scale as Africa and her people had been.
“In any effort, therefore, to identify Africa’s problems and to devise solutions for them, we must bear in mind the peculiar type of inhuman and degrading experiences to which our ancestors had been subjected for many centuries, and the genetic effects of these experiences on their descendants. Heredity is an acquired pre-disposition, which is transmitted by the parents to their offspring. It can be controlled and sublimated; so can environmental influences.” (P.38)>
“To control and sublimate them, they must be candidly recognised and acknowledged. But if they are not recognised, controlled and sublimated, man becomes an unconscious plaything in the hands of blind psychological forces. It is because of African leaders’ failure in this regard that they are so prone to a number of antics, rationalisations and projections, and to many public postures, which are not defensible on objective rational grounds.” (P.38).
“For instance, as a result of suppressed feelings of inferiority they indulge in exhibitionism and a nauseating aping of the White man, especially in things that do not matter.” (P.38).
“Similarly they unconsciously project their own weaknesses and shortcomings to Africa’s erstwhile colonial rulers by accusing them of non-colonialism, oblivious, in the process of their projection, of Lenin’s dictum that ‘there can be no exploiters if there are no exploitables’”. (P.38).
“Furthermore, they vie with one another in building new palaces, which they call state houses, for their personal aggrandizement; and embark on projects which are big and prestigious in all respects, but are uneconomic and unbeneficial to the people at large.
“Above all, they surround themselves with all the myth and paraphernalia of a divine potentate. They do all this in order to demonstrate to our former rulers that the Africans have at last arrived and can make it.” (P.38).
And, second, from Awolowo’s Thoughts on The Nigerian Constitution:
“One of the things which contributed to tenacity of office under the First Republic was the fact that ministerial office entailed very little, if any, exertion. Politicians regarded public office more as an avenue for “living without work” – to borrow one of Lincoln’s famous dicta, and for leading a life of dissolute ease and pleasure. There was no sense of discipline or urgency anywhere…” (p.114).
“In Nigeria of the future, one of our mottos must be the well known injunction of St Paul: ‘The man who will not work hard until it hurts shall not occupy any public office.’” (p.114).
“Here in Nigeria, such sense of honour as is exhibited by public men in Britain and in most civilised countries is unknown. Public men will stick to office after they had committed the most heinous breach of public morality. In fact, in the dying months of the First Republic, the brazen and unconcealed commission of acts of depravity and of violent breach of public trust by ministers was regarded as the hallmark of power…” (p.115).
“It is, therefore, incumbent upon us to so organise and order our affairs as to ensure that the things which favour the undisturbed accumulation of filth – until it becomes so colossal as to warrant a revolution to remove it – do not exist. That is to say, either the occurrence of filth must prevented or every bit or piece of it must be abated as soon as it occurs. Fortunately for us, we know the distinctive characteristics of these filthy articles so well that, with some application of mental efforts, we can adequately provide against their future emergence or accumulation…” (p.116).
“The new constitution should, therefore, contain provisions for rules of discipline for ministers, parliamentary secretaries, legislators, members of commissions, boards and corporations, and other persons holding positions of public trust (other than civil servants) to the effect:
1. that no minister, parliamentary secretary, legislator, member of commission, board or corporations, or person holding any public office whether of profit or not shall
a. borrow money from the Government;
b. obtain advance for any purpose whatsoever from the Government;
c. owe any money (whether in respect of loan, advance, or any transaction whatsoever) to the Government;
d. have any business transaction of any kind whatsoever with the Government;
e. enter into any contract whatsoever with the Government concerning the sale, purchase, or lease of land, house, or any form of building, other than a contract of outright acquisition by the Government, compensation in respect of which must be determined by a superior court of judicature after hearing evidence from Government valuers and land officers;
f. have subsisting contract, executed after 1 October 1960 and within 10 years immediately preceding his assumption of office, with the Government, concerning the sale, purchase, or lease of Land, house, or any other form of building;
g. receive or enjoy, at the expense of the Government, any of the following perquisites or privileges, that is to say:
(i) car basic allowance;
(ii) driver’s allowance;
(iii) transport allowance;
(iv) travelling allowance;
(v) entertainment allowance;
(vi) gardener’s allowance;
(vii) free housing or accommodation;
(viii) free telephone;
(ix) free supply of electricity;
(x) free furniture;
(xi) free medical treatment;
(xii) expenses for holidays in or outside Nigeria;
(xiii) anything in cash or kind, by whatever name called, other than his salary or emolument as approved by the Legislature;
h. use his position or any information which comes to him by virtue of his office for the pecuniary benefit of himself or any other person;
i. make use or take possession of any property of whatever description belonging to the Government for purposes which are personal or which may be deemed, construed, or suspected by members of the public, to be personal;
j. accept any kind of present in cash or kind from any person, organisation, or business establishment which, to his knowledge, is seeking to enter or has actually entered into contractual relations with the Government; (p.117).
2. that no minister, parliamentary secretary or full time member of commission, board or corporation shall
(i) be sole or joint proprietor of, or a director, shareholder or partner in, any business or undertaking which is carried on for profit, notwithstanding that such business or organisation is not actually making profit;
(ii) carry on any business, practise any profession, or hold any office in trade union, cooperative movement, or any organisation other than charitable, sports, athletics, or political organization;
(iii) be an elected member of a local government council;
(iv) visit disreputable night clubs, or gambling houses or places;
(v) participate in any lottery or game of chance run or owned by the Government;
3. that every minister, parliamentary secretary, or full-time member of commission, board or corporation, shall within 7 days of his appointment make full disclosure of all his assets and liabilities to the President and shall do the same thing within 7 days of his relinquishing office; (p.118).
“There should be provision in the constitution making it mandatory for Government to initiate or operate legislative or executive measures for the purpose of combating and stamping out corruption wherever and in whatever guise it may exist in the federation” (p.119).
“As regards this last proposal, it will be recalled that in spite of repeated and vehement demands by the public, the governments of the First Republic did nothing either by legislation or executive action to arrest or discourage the mounting incidence of corruption in ministerial and other high government circles. (p.119).
“In retrospect, we now realise that the old constitution had presumed much too much in favour of our rulers.” (p.119).
As far back as 1960s Obafemi Awolowo went beyond relying on the changeable outward “morality” of an individual, the “good” ruler, to focus on structures, institutions and the constitution as the solutions to end corruption. More than half a century later in 2015, as a framework Nigeria is relying on the “good intentions” and outward “morality” of an individual – President Buhari – to end corruption. Is this progress or retardation?
Therefore, the question is: how do we end this hereditary problem of corruption? One answer is that we must objectify the problem and use structures, institutions and the constitution rather than rely on the “great” rulers and politicians (who normally will have their own agenda) to end corruption.
Rounding off, the Bible says if your hand makes you to sin, cut it off. Part of the roots of corruption lie in Nigeria’s militarised, centralising, unitary structure in a multi-national and multi-cultural country; this has to go and be replaced with a federal system, a federal constitution with the states, local government, cities, villages becoming the principal centres and spaces of civic and cultural lives of citizens.
This is the irreducible core of the practice of liberal democracy in multi-national and multi-cultural societies. And Nigeria cannot be different.
As the year comes to an end and as we start another journey in the New Year, think about the wisdom of the sage from the world beyond. Meditate on it.
Merry Christmas. Happy New Year.
God Bless Nigeria. God Bless you all.
PREMIUM TIMES
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