Exactly one month to this day in 2014, Nigeria became the subject of international interest when 276 students of Government Girls Secondary School in Chibok, Borno State, were kidnapped by the terrorist group Boko Haram. The brazenness and the novelty of the Chibok incident turned many Nigerians into conspiracy theorists. In those days, the All Progressives Congress/Congress for Progressive Change was the so-called opposition, and they really dug a spear into former President Goodluck Jonathan’s side. Bola Tinubu was the leader of the APC. Then Borno governor, Kashim Shettima, could not devise enough ways to stitch up the Jonathan administration over Chibok.
Reading through the old media reports recently and seeing the allegations against the Jonathan administration by people like Tinubu (and even his wife) and Shettima, it is striking how much they politicised that unfortunate incident.
A decade after Chibok, Tinubu is president; Shettima is his vice, and another 300 or so school children plus their teachers have been kidnapped in Gada, Sokoto State, and Kurija in Kaduna State. In fact, over 400 Nigerians have been reportedly abducted within a week. I wonder if the Tinubus and Shettima think of the irony of fate that underlines these serial abductions. Everything they said about Jonathan and his inept handling of the Chibok abductions can now be said about them.
Speaking on the recent incident, the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Ajuri Ngelale, noted that some fifth-column elements were at work. Media reports quoted him saying, “Across the North, we understand that some of the sub-regional geopolitical forces that are currently at play are actively conspiring against the stability of Nigeria.” While I appreciate Ngelale’s candour—and in terms of self-comportment, he is head, shoulders, and even ankle above his classless predecessors who turned the management of the presidency into a bolekaja affair—his bag of tricks is pretty old.
Ten years after Chibok and with unabated kidnaps throughout the country, Ngelale is still stuck on the propagandist’s spiel of “out-of-power northern Nigeria wants to make the country ungovernable for the southern president.” Like the rest of the Nigerian political class, he too blames abstract forces for our national issues. Nigeria is a place where “unknown soldiers” kill and despoil in broad daylight. Snakes and monkeys eat money, “cabals and deities,” the “elites of the elites” with “deep pockets” rob the country of funds for fuel subsidies. Electricity is unstable because some “demons” constantly toy with its functions. The problems that beset the country always have no face, no name, and therefore inapprehensible. We have heard all these tall tales before. Ngelale needs a new game.
To be clear, the issue here is not that professional politicians took advantage of the Chibok abductions to make the Jonathan administration look bad. What they did is what politicians everywhere do: amplify every failing and misstep of your opponent. The APC that unseated the Peoples Democratic Power from power might be amoral, but their actions are still consistent with the character of high-stakes politics.
Anyway, as I said, the politicisation of the Chibok abduction is not how the chickens can be said to have come home to roost for the APC. What rankles is that a whole decade after Chibok, despite abductions having become a normative evil, our government still has not fashioned a better response to these sad incidents. While Jonathan’s shortcomings in responding to the Chibok kidnappings can be chalked down to the novelty of Chibok, Tinubu/Shettima has no excuse. Yet, what can their administration say they have done any better than Jonathan who did not see Chibok coming? Yes, the president ordered security agencies to find those children but every Nigerian by now knows the efficacy value of such “orders.”
And here is where the trouble lies: if the present administration has not demonstrated better insight into a situation that has now become predictable, what guarantee exists that there will not be more of these incidents? The kidnappers are part of Nigeria’s social and political culture, and their choice to make a resounding impact by serially invading three schools over a mere few days cannot be separated from their observations of how entirely chaotic and dysfunctional the Tinubu administration has been. A government that cannot get basic things together in everyday administrative management is one whose resolve will be tested. Unfortunately, the kidnaps are one of the relatively easiest ways to go head-to-head with an administration that does not yet quite know what governance means and still get heftily paid while at it.
And why are the police infantilising the courts?
Thursday last week, the Nigeria Police Force released a press statement on the Chioma Egodi vs. Eric Umeofia case. Since this column was published just hours before the police bombast, I am compelled to raise a few issues with the press release. First, I am curious to know if they ran that waffle of a statement by a lawyer (or anyone with even basic knowledge of the law) before putting it out. Or, was it just one man who cranked out his prejudices on an angry typewriter? If they had consulted before publishing, they would perhaps have been reliably informed that public investment in a case involving two Nigerians and the judicial system is not tantamount to a “manipulation of public sentiment.”
Second, the police claimed to be “deeply worried” that people are crowdfunding for the woman’s legal expenses, and that that might influence legal proceedings. If you are ever in doubt that the police have taken sides on this issue and are using the instruments of the state to run the errands of one man who happens to have a lot of power (aka money), that statement should convince you. Otherwise, why should the police care how the case is decided? Why is it their place to be “deeply worried” that the courts will be influenced by public investment in the issue when they are supposedly neutral arbiters?
People crowdfund their legal expenses all the time and anywhere in the world. When we ordinary members of the public give toward the legal expense of someone else, we signify our moral investment in the judicial process. The law allows us to hold such opinions, and the police cannot strip us of them. Saying that the courts will be moved to take a decision one way or another because of public opinion infantilises the court. They are in fact alleging that the judges base their judgment on extrajudicial means. If they believe the court is too fickle to decide this case rationally, why file the case with them in the first place? During the presidential election tribunal, the judges told us they are unmoved by social media commentary, so why are the police panicking?
As Nigerians under a democratic rule that guarantees freedom of thought/conscience, we fully reserve the right to comment on an issue of collective interest and even donate our money toward it. Why should it bother the police that what Egodi’s supporters are doing will influence the court any more than Umeofia’s supporters? Notice that the police press statement was silent about the latter’s social media antics.
I said it last week and I will say it again: the police are playing a villainous role in this Egodi vs Umeofia case. If they truly believed their own stated claims that this case is about “upholding the rule of law,” then they should stand down. Their aggression toward Egodi and her family suggests they have an extrajudicial interest in this case. If truly there is a democracy in Nigeria, then we should have certain rights. And if those rights will be abridged because one man somewhere cannot take criticism, let it be on record that the courts-not the police-took that injurious decision.
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